The Best Man

 

SPOILER ALERT! The plot will be discussed.

 

Since we are on the doorstep of the election for President of the United States, I thought Gore Vidal’s 1964 screen adaptation of his cynical play The Best Man might be a fitting film pick. Although there are outdated aspects in reference to homosexuality and the role of women in politics, the movie stands up in showing the darker side of the American presidential electoral process. It focuses on the divisiveness between conservatives and liberals that was present even back then, although in this story the conflict is within the same political party, and the movie shows the shortcomings of both candidates running for the nomination.

 

The drama is heightened in this tale because the candidates are going to an open national convention, with no one individual, there being five, having enough delegates to win the nomination. So, scheming ensues to win the party’s nod to run for President. The one with the most pledged delegates is liberal candidate and United States Secretary of State William Russell (Henry Fonda) (can he “rustle” up enough votes, and as he says later about his lack of drive, he didn’t live up to the slogan “Hustle with Russell”). His conservative opponent is Joe Cantwell (Cliff Robertson). (His first name makes him sound like a guy who might come from the neighborhood. His last name could imply that he can’t do anything well). These two men embody attractive and negative elements. Russell is intelligent, rational, courteous, but can appear removed from the problems of the average person. And he has been unfaithful to his wife. Cantwell appears to have a stable marriage and relates to the working class, but is arrogant, ill-mannered, and unscrupulous.

 

The film begins with shots from inside the convention center. The use of real footage intercut with the nominating of Russell, with signs, hats, and chants supporting the man, adds a sense of reality to the story. It also shows the circus spectacle of American political conventions, with the stress on bombast and over-the-top demonstrations for preferred candidates by the delegates. Back at Russell’s headquarters, they laugh about how the supposedly unrehearsed outburst in favor of their candidate was “well planned” according to campaign manager, Dick Jensen (Kevin McCarthy). When asked how long the hoopla will last, Russell jokes that there will be “twenty-two minutes of spontaneity.” The suggestion here is that politics presents a deceptive appearance of what is actually happening. 

 

Russell provides the press with the standard liberal endorsement of racial integration which helps ensure that the rights of citizens are guaranteed for all. One reporter asks if the general population can trust intellectuals like him. He kids about labeling him a brainy person because he wrote a book. He said Bertrand Russell, British all around smart fellow, said that people believe they have less to fear from an ignorant person, But the candidate says that it’s really the opposite, that there is more danger from an unintelligent one. The suggestion he is making is that an individual who thinks he knows it all but knows very little can make disastrous decisions if he gets into a position of power. One of the journalists asks him to repeat who he is quoting, which shows that Russell is out of touch with the average citizen, but he also makes his point by showing that too many people are uninformed. (Also, it is interesting that Russell is quoting another highly accomplished Russell, and the suggestion may be that the candidate has an inflated opinion of himself). He goes on to say that he isn’t there to sell an image, but just to present himself, even with imperfections. He quotes Oliver Cromwell about being painted as he is, “wart and all.” (But he then needs to supply a footnote about who he is citing). However, he is not being totally transparent, as we discover.

 

At the hotel pool, beautiful young women fawn over Russell like political groupies, and the silliness of the campaign process is on show as one woman has placed cutout “W” and “R” letters on her back so that Russell’s initials will appear on the untanned skin. Loud and gregarious Sue Ellen Gamadge (Ann Sothern) approaches them noisily as she walks through the crowd. Russell calls her, contradictorily, the only “link” between the Ku Klux Klan and the NAACP, which illustrates how political people try to please everybody. She has influence over the female vote, so she must be courted. She tells Russell that the women do not like him trying to be witty all the time. She advises that females like a “regular” fellow like President Dwight Eisenhower, who has a “nice smile” and is not “pushy or aggressive.” She says a woman can imagine Eisenhower helping with the dishes or listening to his wife’s views on “important matters.” Sue Ellen does here show that a woman’s ideas should count. However, she then undermines the intelligence of women by advising him not to talk “over” the heads of females. She is also suggesting Russell package himself as a product geared to the tastes of others, which is just the opposite of what he told the reporters he wants to do. Appealing appearances must be kept up, even if it is a façade, so Sue Ellen wants to know if Russell’s wife Alice (Margaret Leighton) is there ready to campaign for her husband, being the woman standing behind the man in these times. Sue Ellen again stresses the female behind the scenes should look as if she is weighing in on important matters, but the suggestion is still that the photo op is what’s necessary. She then asks Russell a direct question as to whether there is any truth to the rumor of marital discord. Russell, like a typical politician, dodges the inquiry by ignoring the second question and says his wife will definitely join him on the campaign trail. Sue Ellen also slips in high praise for Cantwell’s wife, Mabel (Edie Adams), which implies that Sue Ellen could change allegiance if the political winds shift away from Russell. Jensen jokingly points out the false front they are to present when he sarcastically comments that Russell and his wife are like George and Martha Washington.

 Alice has arrived and the encounter between her and her husband shows the stress in the marriage. There is no “sentimentality” here as Russell notes, since she showed up, not because she loves him, but because the polls indicated he might be the next President of the United States. She says that she wants no “nonsense,” which means no false show of true affection between them in private when they are not falsely presenting a united front to the public. She feels that she has been pushed aside in their union and now has shown up because for the “first time” he “needs” her since he would lose if there was a divorce. She, too, confesses to ambition, and would only see him occasionally as First Lady, with the “ambiguous” random encounter in the “Lincoln bedroom.” The use of “ambiguous” is telling, showing how it wouldn’t be a definite display of affection. His smiling sarcastic comment is, “I didn’t know you cared,” which she seriously wonders if she does anymore. Her condition is that there will be no philandering while she is on board, which reveals he has a history of being unfaithful, the secret he is hiding under his honest exterior. So, she wants him to at least be genuinely monogamous while she is around. He is curious about what happens if he loses, and she says grimly that they go their separate ways, which she says is what he wants anyway. We have here a marriage of convenience, at least at this point, and they have conducted a negotiation and reached a “truce” like two warring countries. Even marriage here seems political.

 

Jensen arrives and says they can’t locate former President Art Hockstader (Lee Tracy), whose endorsement the candidates seek to win favor with the delegates. Russell always looks in a mirror. Is it vanity? Or, is he wrestling with the image he is presenting versus his true self? He smiles and then cringes, saying the human face is “indecent” when it smiles, showing “predatory” teeth reflecting “our animal descent.” He seems to be saying that we still have aggressive characteristics which undercut the surface attempt at demonstrating evolved friendliness. Phoniness is again stressed when Jensen hands Russell his speech, saying it’s one of the candidate’s “best.” To which Russell says he’ll pass on reading it before he delivers it since he enjoys surprising himself. 

 

Hockstader sneaks into their adjoining suite to avoid a public commotion, but his real desire is to privately assess the men running for President. Alice says he looks well after his recent operation, which he says was only for a hernia (which turns out to be another public falsehood). The former Chief Executive confirms Russell’s statement about how important his endorsement is. He is an old-time politician, who good-naturedly admits that the only thing left that he enjoys is watching the candidates squirm. He says his time is past and the future of politics has been taken over by “rich” men (which has turned out to be true). He comments that the people figure that the wealthy will not steal the taxpayers’ money since they have so much of their own. Russell’s comment is he didn’t know Hockstader was a “Marxist,” but the man knows his political correctness and says with a smile, “Never heard of the word.” Russell notes, though, that Cantwell is playing the “poor but honest” role. Hockstader, enjoying the squirming, comments that Cantwell isn’t as rich or “smart” as Russell. The former President, with some envy mixed with criticism, says Russell is a “superior” man not often found in politics, which doesn’t say much for those running the government. He then likens himself to “mediocre” men such as Cantwell. (Hockstader sounds like a good old boy, his vocabulary filled with unpretentious words like “privy” and “innards”). Russell says Hockstader is not like Cantwell, who he sees as willing to allow any means to reach his ends. Hockstader echoes the sentiment that many still hold today that overly intellectual types spend so much time ruminating and qualifying that they become indecisive in a crisis. Russell counters by saying Cantwell would let the Gallup Poll dictate his decisions. Russell is addressing why we have a representative form of government which allows the people to elect someone to act with knowledge. But the system does not function by having someone in office consulting what the people want on a regular basis in order to be popular.

 

Hockstader changes the subject and asks if Russell believes in God. Russell’s first response is a politically influenced evasion saying he was confirmed in the Episcopal Church. But Hockstader presses Russell about his beliefs in a deity and an afterlife. Russell says he only believes in “us,” in what happens on earth. He also says he has been honest in his campaign and hasn’t mentioned God (maybe he is truthful about this topic, but he is accommodating to those he doesn’t like and is untruthful about his marriage). Hockstader says things have changed, since one used to have to “pour God over everything, like ketchup,” (a rather irreverent analogy). He agrees with Russell that there is no hereafter. We then realize why the former President is asking about spiritual matters, because the hernia story was just another political “lie.” He is actually dying of cancer and may only have a short time left. Russell is shocked and expresses sincere sorrow about this news. It’s possible Hockstader is keeping his illness secret because it allows him to still hold influence if it appears he will be around for a while. He is a politician to the end, asking if Russell wrote any letters to the women he was involved with, and the smart Russell says he didn’t. So, there can only be refutable rumors without evidence based on “He said, she said.” This situation resonates with the current #MeToo movement. Hockstader says that he will announce who he will support at a dinner that evening.

 

After Hockstader leaves, a grim Russell tells Jensen and Alice that the ex-President didn’t say he would support Russell, which means he will throw his political weight behind Cantwell. Sue Ellen barges in and at first gives a harsh look, but is only assessing Alice. She then smiles saying how she “loves it,” that is Alice’s appearance, which, of course, is what counts. She then gives Alice advice, as she often does, about what women “like.” She says not to be too proactive, like Eleanor Roosevelt, but not passive like Mamie Eisenhower. She seems to be channeling Goldie Locks, where everything must be just right, and that can only happen in a fairy tale.

 

As he moves through the hotel’s corridor, the press and a conspiracy theorist (yes, they have always been around) follow Russell. The man asks if Russell as President will impeach the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and if he knows that there are five justices who are card-carrying members of the Communist Party. Russell dodges any confrontation, which is understandable, since one usually will not win an argument with such an individual. But he is also a bit cowardly not to at least challenge the man so as to thwart acceptance of such ideas without proof. 

 

As Russell enters his campaign office, Jensen is on the phone demanding a man named Sheldon Bascomb be brought to Russell headquarters. Political dirt is trying to be dug up. Russell and his staff watch Cantwell talking on television (the importance of a candidate’s appearance on public media skyrocketed during the 1960 campaign, and has escalated exponentially since, rewarding those that strongly perform visually). Cantwell is young, handsome, and forceful in his opinions. He gives reluctant praise for Russell, but then exploits anti-intellectualism by stressing the populist slogan of needing “a man of the people,” like his “hero” (a lie), Art Hockstader. Russell points out Cantwell’s obvious attempt to win over the former President when he says he “wouldn’t buy a used car from that man.” But his line also shows his elitist condescension toward Cantwell.

 

Cantwell, glaring straight ahead so he looks as if he is speaking directly to the people watching him on TV, grabs various microphones as he talks loudly and without hesitation, making him appear assured of everything he says. He starts off with the disclaimer that he is opposed to discrimination, but his stress is on the protection of “states’ rights” which basically shows the central government as a monster, imposing its will on the citizens. But, the film implies, this stance allows local governments to implement the discrimination he supposedly dislikes. A reporter notes the support for him by Southern delegates, but he deflects that possibly negative implication of racial prejudice by pivoting to a fear of communism in the country as a whole. He says that “the coloreds” (a phrase allowed at the time) were used as dupes by the communists. He is being disrespectful toward African Americans, who he is saying aren’t smart enough to see through being manipulated. Of course, the planting of fear and blame is what the movie is saying Cantwell does to practice his own brand of swaying others. He holds up his book entitled The Enemy Around Us, so the film is portraying him as a sort of Joe McCarthy type. He goes down the list of traditional conservative beliefs, including cutting government spending to the point of being able to eliminate the Federal Income Tax, getting “tough” with foreign governments, and increasing defense spending (a bit of a contradiction on budgetary matters). He says “liberals” are selling out the country by being weak against foreign enemies. He avoids that spending ambiguity by saying how great a poor person like him can run for such a great position. He then states the title of the film by saying, “May the best man win,” which as it turns out is far from certain when we reach the ending. However, that same extremist who spoke to Russell now accosts Cantwell after his press conference. The candidate, just like Russell, is taken aback by some fringe views, such as eliminating Social Security and the fluoridating of the water system (which was considered a communist plot by some - see Dr. Strangelove for the definitive satire on this subject). The scene is suggesting how politicians can legitimize, through their rhetoric, extremist ideas. 

 Don Cantwell (Gene Raymond), the candidate’s older brother, is his campaign manager, and we learn that he ran, but lost, in his run for the presidency. Mabel, in the Cantwell hotel suite, watches the TV as the news shows Cantwell’s rise from poverty by winning local elections and then getting elected to the U. S. Senate. He rose to national attention by investigating the Mafia as an arm of the Communist Party (that one is tough to believe, given the ruthless capitalist ethic of organized crime, depicted so well in The Godfather films). There is obvious passionate affection between Cantwell and his wife, in contrast to the colder, removed feelings in the Russell household. Also, when Mabel asks if he was ever unfaithful, her husband is believable when he says he never was, another contrast to Russell. Cantwell’s mother is interviewed on TV, and Mabel says, “Good old Mom.” But Cantwell’s hard look and dismissive, “Yeah,” shows that his positive heartland American façade is a veneer that covers Cantwell’s animosity toward his female parent. The couple anticipates the mud they are ready to sling at Russell later. 

 Cantwell meets with Hockstader and he brings along the information he believes will discredit Russell. But Cantwell has misjudged the situation, not realizing the former President is already willing to back him. Cantwell can’t play it cool and defer to the older politician, who needles Cantwell a bit by acting a bit suspicious of a squeaky-clean persona who doesn’t drink or have affairs. Cantwell fidgets impatiently while listening to Hockstader’s ramblings, especially when he isn’t praiseworthy of Cantwell’s “the ends justify the means” practice, which the self-righteous Cantwell admits to espousing. Hockstader argues that there are only “means,” implying the way one goes about doing things is what’s most important and what people connect with. The young senator admits some people do not like his aggressive style. Hockstader is tough when he says it’s standard practice to grab headlines, and put on a fake show for the public, but it disturbs him that Cantwell takes his phony stuff “too seriously.” He says it’s “downright dangerous when you start fooling yourself.” So Hockstader is stressing the importance of knowing what’s a lie and what is a fact. Cantwell is nasty as he tells Hockstader that he doesn’t need any “lectures” from a man whose record is “the heaviest load this party has to carry.” The ex-president practically snarls at him as Don, who tries to be the diplomat, says his brother has been under a great deal of stress. 

 

Cantwell apologizes without showing any true remorse and then disrespectfully dismisses Don, because he wants to handle the rest of the meeting his way. All pretense to politeness is jettisoned as Cantwell says he knows that Hockstader doesn’t like him, and the former President admits he “never” has. But what Cantwell has failed to understand is that politics forges strange alliances when the power to get what is wanted is on the line. Hockstader tells him that he has endorsed men he didn’t like because he thought they could “do the job.” But Cantwell isn’t listening and instead wants to win Hockstader’s support by his dubious means to get the ends he wants. As he talks he doesn’t notice that Hockstader is fumbling for his pills to stunt the pain from his cancer (is his illness symbolic of the corruption that spreads in American politics?). He asks Cantwell the same questions about religious beliefs he posed to Russell. As in everything else, Cantwell is definite about his feelings about God, a Day of Judgment, and life after death because, he says, any other way of thinking would make life intolerable for him. The film implies that questioning traditional beliefs will make life too precarious for some. Hockstader muses that having the security of religious tenets would make it easier to face death. But, as opposed to the compassionate response that Russell showed, Cantwell is so focused on his presidential goal that he isn’t even listening to Hockstader’s admission that he is dying. The evidence he has brought shows that Russell had a “nervous breakdown” in his past and was “raving mad,” as opposed to the cover story that he was suffering from exhaustion. Hockstader objects to what he considers the grossly exaggerated accusation that Russell was out of his mind. The medical records do show that Russell was not transparent as to the extent of his psychiatric treatment and his “promiscuity.” Hockstader questions the ethics of how Cantwell acquired private medical records, and insists that Russell is not currently medically hampered to be President. But there is a legitimate point to be made that Russell should have come clean about his mental history. Hockstader promises to get Cantwell’s “political scalp” for how he operates. He also surprises the disbelieving Cantwell that he was going to endorse the Senator. Cantwell’s lack of insight is emphasized by Hockstader who says that it isn’t that Cantwell being a “bastard” is what upsets him, but that he objects to him being a “stupid” one. Hockstader allows for nastiness in politics, as long as it is crafty, which doesn’t paint a career in the field as very noble.

 At the candidates’ dinner, Hockstader presents the image of what people expect from a politician. He balances humor with seriousness, and is upbeat about all the candidates. So, he is presenting a false front since he has already picked who he will support and who he will fight against. He also hides his illness since a leader can’t show vulnerability. But he does not endorse any of the candidates, and that is a relief to both frontrunners since they thought the former President would support each man’s opponent. But Hockstader plans to work with Russell against Cantwell in the shadows, probably to make it look as if the passive Russell is strong enough to win the nomination on his own. In private, he admits that he still finds Russell indecisive, and Russell laments that he will be chosen by “default.” He argues that he doesn’t “shoot from the hip,” as he contemplates how he will act. But Hockstader says “sometimes you don’t shoot at all.” The movie again is saying that the populace expects quick, unwavering decisions, as they view that as a strength, as opposed to deliberate thinking that takes time to consider all the possibilities.  

 

Hockstader has tipped off Russell about Cantwell’s smear campaign, and Russell has called a psychiatrist to certify that he is mentally sound. Hockstader also found out that Cantwell bribed a nurse to get Russell’s medical records, so Russell thinks he can use that illegal act as leverage to thwart Cantwell’s disclosure. However, bits of information leak out anyway. Hockstader seems invigorated as he enjoys a hard-hitting, dirty political fight, whereas Russell seems too refined and most likely finds the battle distasteful. They talk about offering the vice presidency to win the votes for other candidates, although Russell will not consider the man from the South, Governor T. T. Claypoole (John Henry Faulk). His character may be loosely based on Alabama Governor George Wallace, although this man comes off clownish, not like the angry Wallace. He also pretends to be progressive about race, as one of his associates brags. The supporter's words are satirically undercut by the image of the only black person at his party serving drinks to the white people. When asked how many schools are integrated in his state, his darkly humorous response is, “none, thank God,” but they are making great “progress.” Again, a lie is being sold in lieu of the facts. 

 What follows are several short scenes of political jockeying for votes, where the major candidates make offers to win over delegates. There are literally backroom deals as Hockstader corners candidate Governor John Merwin (William R. Ebersol) in a closet. Rumors fly as those present share doubts about Russell’s health. The story shows how extreme the dealing can get when Russell’s team offers the vice presidency to Claypoole, Merwin, and Senator Oscar Anderson (Richard Arlen). Mabel talks with Sue Ellen, who finds Cantwell’s smear ploy unacceptable. Mabel says it’s a public service move. Their differing takes show how politics can spin a story to each person’s advantage. 

 At Cantwell’s campaign office, they are finding it difficult to lock in support from the minor candidates. Cantwell wants to release Russell’s complete medical file, but his brother Don advises against it until the second ballot. Cantwell shows what Hockstader accused the man of when he calls his brother a “loser” for not being willing to do anything to win, no matter how unsavory the act may be. Cantwell reluctantly agrees to delay, and apologizes for being too harsh with his brother, which shows that Cantwell has some insight into his extreme combativeness. Don admits that his brother is right, that he knows he doesn’t have the killer instinct. In that way, Don is like Russell. The film’s cynical message seems to be that being a successful and decent politician is not possible. 

 

There is an odd but funny scene where Russell is taking a bath with lots of soap bubbles as he talks the fawning Claypoole into supporting him on the second ballot. It not only implies that Russell doesn’t have the time or desire to allocate a respectable amount of attention for the segregationist, but he almost needs to sanitize himself against contact with the offending Governor. That idea is stressed when Russell will not shake hands with the man without first grabbing a handful of soap. 

Comedian Shelly Berman turns actor for the role of Sheldon Bascomb, a twitchy neurotic man who goes off on tangents which is a defense mechanism to hide feeling intimidated. He carries a briefcase that contains evidence about when he was in the Army with Cantwell. Russell realizes Jensen has been searching for something to dirty Cantwell’s immaculate reputation, and doesn’t like it. Hockstader, however, pounces on the man like a vulture ready to prey on any skeletons in the closet. He asks about the possibility of Cantwell being a coward or a communist. Bascomb haltingly says that they were in a situation where there were many men around but no women. Hockstader chases the man out of “beating around the bush” by asking if Bascomb is implying that Cantwell was a “degenerate,” which is what the former president implies is a homosexual (it was a different time, and Vidal himself was bisexual leaning toward being gay, so he was just reflecting the mainstream’s ugliness). When asked point blank, Bascomb finally is direct and harsh when he confirms that is exactly what he is saying about Cantwell. Russell is disgusted by using anything sordid, but Hockstader persuades him to listen to Bascomb.

 

Cantwell, however, has no trepidations about using the stolen psychiatric information against Russell. He makes a deal with the flip-flopping Claypoole to put him on the ticket as Vice-President. The man from the South wants guarantees that there will not be any push for integration, and Cantwell makes his pact with the devil by assuring Claypoole that he will not put desegregation on his agenda. Claypoole is funny, but disturbing, by showing the hypocrisy and divisiveness of American politics when he says, “Nice thing about you Joe is that you can sound like a liberal but at heart you’re an American.” Apparently to people like Claypoole, someone must agree with you in order to be patriotic. 

 

Jensen calls Cantwell to hold up releasing the medical records, and when Cantwell will not postpone, Jensen brings up Bascomb’s name. A look of deep concern spreads over Cantwell’s face and he calls to delay exposing Russell’s past. Mabel knows about the allegations, which shows how he and his wife have an honest relationship. Cantwell wants to see Russell, who is upset about Jensen setting up the meeting. He says he wanted to not have the campaign be about “personalities” instead of “policies.” But, his idealistic desires are not in sync with reality. Hockstader has Jensen make sure the meeting is secret, another example of the lack of political honesty. He tells Russell if he wants to play power politics he has to get dirty.  Or else, he should get out and “be a saint on your own time,” because if he can’t fight, “this job is not for you.” Even though Hockstader earlier said he didn’t like Cantwell’s tactics dictated by the ends justifying the means, he seems to be on board with that strategy now. Russell says that “one by one” corruptions “destroy character.” (Think of how Robert Redford’s character in The Candidate is so compromised that after he wins his moral compass spins out of control and has to ask, “What do we do now?”). Russell wants to know where this domino effect on toppling morality ends. The cynical Hockstader says once on this unethical road the trip can only end “in the grave.” Which is where the former president is headed, as he tells Alice, after Jensen and Russell leave, she must call his doctor because he can’t move.

 Cantwell is trying to reach a general in the military to back him up. Cantwell and Russell meet in the laundry room of the hotel, where they can hide their “dirty linen.” The two verbally trade blows. Cantwell says he is the one to unite behind because he is a man who the people relate to since he lived the American Dream of rising from poverty to a place of power. But Russell says he is “a self-made man with a self-made issue,” which is his fictitious crusade linking the Mafia and communism. The movie suggests that politicians can make up problems that they say they can solve. Russell says he will not throw his “mud” if Cantwell refrains from throwing his. But Cantwell says he will not back down. Russell repeats Cantwell’s earlier sincere line, “may the best man win,” although Russell is being sarcastic since he doesn’t see either of them at this point fitting that description. 

 

Russell hands Cantwell the court-martial testimony that Bascomb provided and Cantwell wants to question Bascomb, who is in the basement. We are descending physically and ethically here. The cowardly Bascomb did not expect to confront Cantwell, and looks like a rat trying to find his way out of the maze. Cantwell says that Bascomb is trying to get revenge for Cantwell stopping his transfer and promotion because of an unsatisfactory performance. Cantwell was the only one of several men expelled out of the service for homosexual acts (again, that was the prejudicial policy back then). Cantwell said he turned in his roommate who then accused him of homosexual acts to get back at Cantwell. Cantwell gives Russell the phone number of the general he says he just was in touch with who is waiting for Russell’s call (a lie). Russell says he must stop Cantwell and will use the allegations in the court martial proceedings. But, Cantwell finds out that Russell is bluffing because he left the piece of paper with the general’s number on the floor. Hockstader was right. Russell doesn’t have that predatory instinct to rip apart the enemy in order to win.

 

Cantwell issues copies of the psychiatric report and Jensen tries to hold delegates in line who want to bolt. He tells them that they are suing Cantwell for theft of the documents, but that doesn’t negate the contents of the evidence. The person who heads up the Pennsylvania delegation knows about the court martial and tells Jensen the same thing that Hockstader said, that Russell takes too long to decide what to do and lacks “aggressive” leadership. It’s as if the defining quality of the person in charge must have an element of violence associated with him. 

 

Cantwell has files on delegates that show their pasts contain arrests, scandals, and favors they need. He talks about “twisting” arms, another analogy to aggression. He heads to the convention, which is not allowed, to personally apply pressure and wheel and deal. Again, even if it violates rules, Cantwell will do whatever he thinks will give him the win. While he is thinking only of himself Russell goes to the hospital to see the dying Hockstader, which shows how Russell cares about others. But when an aide tells the former President that Cantwell now leads in the delegate count, he is disappointed with Russell, and says, “the hell with both of you.” His words sum up his feelings that Cantwell is too ruthless and lacks insight and Russell is too passive.

 As Cantwell arrives, he learns that Russell is coming to the convention, too, which surprises Cantwell, because he didn’t think Russell would violate the restriction as he is doing. He was counting on him playing by the rules, which for Cantwell is a weakness. They meet and Cantwell offers Russell the vice presidency since it seems that is the only way for Cantwell to reach the total votes he needs. Russell is funny as he says how can he accept since he may be experiencing one of his frequent nervous breakdowns. In other words, how can Cantwell disqualify Russell for being President because of his mental condition, yet put him next in line for the office. Here we have more hypocrisy. Cantwell informs Russell that Hockstader died. Russell is upset and wants Cantwell and Don to leave. But the cold Cantwell says, “We can hold the wake later.” Cantwell offers Russell anything he wants if he’ll release his delegates to him. Jensen says Cantwell is afraid he can’t win, and he urges Russell to release the court martial information. 

 

Don says Russell can’t release the dirt on Cantwell, as he now argues for decency when none was considered on his brother’s part. Cantwell says that Russell always does the right thing, which he sees as Russell’s liability, and he thinks that Russell will want to unify the party around him. But Russell has other plans for doing what is right. He sees that neither of them should win, and he tells the head of the Wisconsin group to vote for Governor Merwin. The convention sees this tactic as a way out, and there is a bandwagon effect for Merwin. Cantwell is astounded that Russell would sacrifice his own candidacy and sabotage his. Cantwell says that he doesn’t understand Russell who says that’s because Cantwell has “no sense of responsibility toward anybody or anything. And that is a tragedy in a man, and is a disaster in a president.” Cantwell counters by saying, “You don’t understand me. You don’t understand politics. You don’t understand this country.” Sadly, the film is saying both men are right.

As Russell leaves with Alice, he sees Merwin going up an escalator, his political star rising, while Russell grounded his own chances of going on that trajectory. But he did it for the good of the nation, and his wife sticks with him at the end, since despite his personal flaws, she knows he is a true patriot, because that is someone who commits self-sacrifice for one’s country. 

The next film is Advise and Consent.