Advise and Consent

 

SPOILER ALERT! The plot will be discussed.

 Since last time I took a look at one Henry Fonda political movie where he played Secretary of State, I thought I would follow it up with another where he is being considered for that same office. Like The Best Man, this earlier movie (1962), directed by Otto Preminger, presents the maneuverings by government leaders to reach their goals, even if the tactics they use can be distasteful. These leaders hide their strategies so the movie also focuses on how appearances can be deceiving. This film, like The Best Man, has an outdated perspective on homosexuality, but it suggests that the attempt to ruin individuals by various means seems to be part of the political process. The story explores the conflict between personal interests and the welfare of the majority of people and that some issues have many shades (maybe not fifty) of grey between the extremes of black and white, and how it's impossible to adhere to only extreme ways of thinking.

 

The title, of course, comes from the United States Constitution, which says that the President shall “nominate” people for “Officers of the United States,” with the “Advice and Consent of the Senate.” (That’s supposed to be the entire Senate, not just the majority political party leader, but things have changed). The film places its credits over the flowing American Flag to the accompaniment of rousing political music which, like The Best Man, suggests patriotism. The opening written notes contain an upfront disclaimer that the characters are fictional, but, according to IMDb, they are based on real persons, such as communist chaser Joseph McCarthy, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, President John F. Kennedy, and Alger Hiss, the accused Soviet spy, among others. 

 

A newspaper headline informs us that the President (Franchot Tone) has nominated Robert Leffingwell (Fonda), whose last name implies a left-leaning individual, for the Secretary of State position. Senator Stanley Danta (Paul Ford), the majority party’s “whip” who helps secure votes, is upset that he had to read about the pick in the newspaper and visits the Majority Leader Senator Munson (Walter Pidgeon) to vent his frustration. Munson echoes that feeling on the phone with the President as he states Leffingwell was not on the list of potential persons they had discussed. The President values the man’s help, and there is a diplomatic vacuum since the prior Secretary of State passed away. Munson says Leffingwell has numerous enemies in Congress and doesn’t show “political courtesy.” The President seems to like the man because he doesn’t play political games and “waste his time on trifles.” We have here a theme that comes up in many political dramas which is to explore to what degree a person has to compromise himself to get ahead in government. 

 

Munson keeps scratching his ear or pulling it, almost as a tell which shows his agitation (I’m not sure if this is a character gesture or a tic of Pidgeon’s since I may have seen him do the gesture elsewhere. In any case it fits here). While Munson converses with the President, Danta comically makes himself at home, sitting down to enjoy Munson’s breakfast. Is this a characteristic of politicians to get what they want whenever the opportunity presents itself? Munson says the main problem they have is in their own party, zeroing in on Southerner Seabright Cooley (an over-the-top Charles Laughton in his last performance). Just as in The Best Man, there are conflicting voices within a political party which reflects the times, as opposed to the unified stances that exist within the Republican and Democratic parties currently in Congress. 

 Munson and Danta head over to the hotel room of Senator Lafe Smith (Peter Lawford), a handsome man, and notice a beautiful young woman leaving from the senator’s place. Danta dangles the privacy sign in front of Smith. We realize that Smith (the fake name people use to register at hotel rooms for affairs) is sexually adventurous. Munson says a person in Smith’s position “should stabilize with a good, solid marriage.” Smith says Munson is setting up a double standard, since the Majority Leader is also single. But Munson says he is a widower, which implies he was able to commit to a long-term relationship and was deprived of his spouse through no fault of his own. So, the thrust here is that Smith is not displaying the dignified appearance that a senator should exhibit. The stress here is on the image one projects, not the inner person. The line, “perception is reality” from The American President comes to mind.

 

Despite not liking the choice, Smith says he’ll follow the party leadership and vote for Leffingwell. He adds that another senator, Brigham Anderson (Don Murray) (the first name mirrors the fact that the senator is from Utah which has its Mormon heritage) will vote “yes” also, despite Leffingwell being against a power bill Anderson proposed. Again we have party politics in conflict with other concerns. Munson wants to know what the opposing party will do so he calls the Minority Leader, Strickland (Will Geer), who gives him the number who will be opposing Leffingwell. Smith is on the phone with Anderson who is with his wife, Ellen (Inga Swenson) and their young daughter. On the surface it is a lovely family picture, but it turns out to be deceiving. Anderson, being nonpartisan and thus an independent thinker, says he isn’t committing yet, and wants to hear Leffingwell’s testimony. He knows that Cooley will want the spotlight on him, so we already expect that the senator from the South is a boisterous showman.

 

There is a nice segue to Senator Cooley from South Carolina, dressed in white like Colonel Sanders, after he has used public transportation, which shows how he would rather associate with common folk compared to the other Senators enjoying the luxury of a hotel and taking cabs to the Senate. Munson runs into Cooley on the way in and wittily makes a reference to the man's Evangelical background by saying, “Had your fire and brimstone this morning, Seab?” Cooley calmly responds by saying he also had some “hot bourbon and branch water,” and that is why fire may be coming out of his ears. The scene is set for a fight on the Senate floor. When asked by Munson if he would lay off attacking Leffingwell, Cooley says he will not deviate from his principles to satisfy the President or his party. But is that really the case, since Munson says Leffingwell caught Cooley in a lie five years prior and Cooley holds a grudge. Again there is that conflict between personal interests and those of the population as a whole. 

 

Inside the Senate chamber Senator Fred Van Ackerman (George Grizzard) greets Cooley who barely acknowledges the man, suggesting that Van Ackerman is not an admirable fellow. He is a young man who carries a pipe with him, like a prop, to make him look more mature and professorial. It doesn’t work. He tells Munson they will get Leffingwell appointed because he is “a great man, a great talent.” This overenthusiasm indicates a flatterer who is trying to ingratiate himself with his party’s leadership to further his own position. He has men with him he calls his “brain trust,” but Danta paints them as yes men when he says they throw flowers in his path. Van Ackerman says he has a “peace group” that both Munson and Danta smile about, knowing it is just a front for the man to publicize his name. His personal ambition is obvious since he wants to chair the subcommittee that will review Leffingwell’s nomination. Danta points out to Munson Van Ackerman’s selfishness and the need to marginalize the man. But, Munson is not wary enough of the young senator, and says he will just “fall off” the political vine like some rotten fruit. 

 

Munson calls Leffingwell, who tells his son, young teenager Johnny (Eddie Hodges) to say he isn’t in. He explains he doesn’t want to be drawn into an obligation. The boy doesn’t like lying, and Leffingwell says it’s a Washington type of lie, which is when, “the other person knows you’re lying, and also knows you know he knows.” Such is the labyrinthine political path that twists the truth to maintain appearances of civility. Danta acknowledges the false truth game Leffingwell is playing to Munson. Johnny shows youthful idealism amid the jaded self-interests of others as he encourages his father to want to be Secretary of State so he can at least “try” to make things better when it comes to world peace. 

 

There is a tour of the Senate building going on which points out the grand historic tradition of this branch of the government. The guide is talking about Robert E. Lee and Ulysses S. Grant, who were classmates at West Point and who later fought against each other in the Civil War. The insertion of this item shows how the United States contains in it simultaneously the grounds for comradeship and the seeds for divisiveness. There is a shot from the Senate gallery as the wives of foreign dignitaries, and we, the audience in the movie theater, become spectators in the story itself. But then there is a shift to the floor where we can be among the lawmakers. However, the first shot is upward, as if these men are bigger than life as they hold the public trust in their hands. In fact, there is the inscription on the wall that reads, “In God We Trust,” another symbol of the sanctity of the democracy that may be just for appearances considering the sometimes shady tactics employed by the lawmakers. (The inscription, and the prayer that opens the session, may rankle those who are strict believers of the need for the separation of church and state. But here they may indicate the higher purpose of democracy to others). 

 

Strickland points out that Munson is worried that his own party will “rupture” in disagreement if Leffingwell isn’t quickly approved, which emphasizes the need for strategy. The women in the balcony comment on the fact that liberals do not necessarily sit on the left and conservatives not on the right. It is an interesting metaphorical observation that there can be crossover views despite party affiliation (although this viewpoint may seem nostalgic as we watch this film now). The women are there to provide basic governmental information. It is pointed out that the Vice President, Harley Hudson (Lew Ayres), presides over the Senate, and is the President of the Senate, even though he is neither an elected senator nor president. And, he can only vote if a tie exists. These apparently contradictory facts are confusing to the foreign women, and maybe to America’s own citizens. 

 

The Chaplain, in his blessing, prays for the Senators to be able to “ascertain of each who would serve his nation his true nature and purpose, lest through inadvertence and oversight, there slip into seats of power those who would misguide and mislead the people.” Strickland in an aside says that even the man of religion may be weighing in on the Leffingwell nomination as a negative choice. This comment again notes a merging symbolically of church and state, but the Chaplain’s words show how, without due diligence, corruption can infect the political health of the nation. 

 

Vice President Hudson, who used to be a governor so he knows something about being an executive, asks Munson and Danta if there is anything he can do to help with the nomination, but they don’t pay him much attention. He jokingly shows how others ignore his government position when he says he murdered his wife and buried her under a “kumquat bush.” Danta isn’t even listening to what he has said. Munson finds out that the President wants to limit the nomination hearing to the subcommittee which would prevent a broader public debate over Leffingwell’s qualifications. Munson knows that Cooley would fight that tactic, most likely because he wants to grandstand his attack against the nominee to a broader audience. We have here the desire to hide discussion from the public and the opposing wish to play to it, both for selfish reasons. So as not to make it appear (the facade’s importance stressed) that the nominating process is too partisan, Munson decides that the more neutral Anderson should chair the hearing.

 

Munson’s plan to speed the process is already being thwarted by Senator Orrin Knox (Edward Andrews), who is opposed to Leffingwell, and is using the senatorial tool of giving a long speech to allow dissent to grow. He does yield to Cooley, since they are on the same page in this case. Cooley allows Smith to question him, and the young senator wonders why Cooley believes he knows more about who should be chosen for Secretary of State than the President. Cooley stresses Smith’s lack of experience, but says even with his youthful ignorance Smith would have made a better choice for the job. Smith sharply flips the age argument by suggesting that the elderly Cooley suffers from stagnation of mental processes when he says Cooley, “assumes an infallibility of knowledge, which denotes a closed mind and an aged crust of prejudice.” Instead of addressing Smith’s claim concerning Cooley’s resistance to new people with fresh ideas, Cooley instead tries to divert the argument into an example of how Leffingwell causes dissension and attacks between them. Cooley calls the nominee “an evil man” who will pursue “a policy of appeasements,” which is an accusation of weakness towards the country’s enemies. The movie implies that fear is always an effective weapon to disqualify someone. Cooley goes on to say that Leffingwell “will weaken the moral fiber of our great nation.” The film argues that another useful tool in politics is to raise suspicions about the values of another, which is a variation on the fear factor. 

 

At a dinner party thrown by the rich political socialite widow Dolly Harrison (Gene Tierney), Van Ackerman makes it known to Munson that he is upset about not being chosen as the subcommittee chairman. However, it’s obvious that he wants to rise in the Senate to a position of power, so he says he will do all he can to get Leffingwell confirmed. He argues with Knox, who feels Leffingwell will allow communism to spread. Van Ackerman represents a more isolationist viewpoint, stressing the need to concentrate on America and stay out of conflicts with foreign powers, no matter how dangerous they may seem. The Vice President sits by himself outside, emblematic of his exclusion from the political loop. Munson joins him and Hudson notes he hasn’t seen the President in six weeks. He has to ask the Majority Leader about the President’s health, another item hidden not only from Hudson but also the country. The point is to present a positive front, despite the reality, which is another rule of politics. From what he’s gathered, Munson says that the surgery the President underwent was not successful. Hudson does not delude himself, as he says he was a compromise pick for the vice presidency, and was selected because he can charm women. He doubts his ability to take on the job of leading the country and says he doesn’t want to. Munson gives him encouragement by saying it’s not a negative thing to approach the job with “humility,” and that most need to grow into the position (although the movie’s implication is that not all are up to it despite being elected). 

 

Munson returns late at night to Dolly’s sumptuous house and we discover he is romantically involved with the younger woman. This fact is yet another secret kept from the public probably to foster Munson’s appearance as a bereaved widower who puts his service to his country first. But the covert relationship is more Dolly’s doing since Munson states he wants to marry her and kids that she is afraid he will not be reelected if word gets out that he has a girlfriend.

 

The subcommittee hearing begins as Anderson swears in Leffingwell and Cooley has been allowed to conduct cross-examination. Van Ackerman, sitting in, makes a public display of kissing up, saying openly to Anderson that he hopes they will confirm Leffingwell. He also interrupts, trying to point out where he thinks Anderson is falling down on the job so that it will show why he should have been named chairman of the hearing. Knox and then Cooley hammer Leffingwell because the nominee says he thinks it’s reasonable to try to make peace with the communist countries if the opportunity presents itself. Cooley, following up on Knox’s line of questioning, paints all communists as inherent enemies and not worth negotiating with. He tries to get Leffingwell to admit exactly what concessions he will be giving away to the communists. When Leffingwell will not deal in hypotheticals, Cooley is very good at twisting the discussion to allege that Leffingwell is hiding something. Cooley has no evidence at this point, and appears to want to slander by allegation. 

 

However, evidence comes by way of Senator Velez (Raoul De Leon) who asks about Leffingwell’s time teaching at the University of Chicago. Velez says he has a telegram from Herbert Gelman (Burgess Meredith) which states he knew Leffingwell at the college. Gellman alleges that Leffingwell “associated with left-wingers and communists.” Leffingwell says he doesn’t recall Gelman, and when Velez says he can’t contact the man, Leffingwell says it must be a crank letter. But, here we get a taste of what is hiding in Leffingwell’s past, despite his claiming to be transparent (similar to Fonda’s character in The Best Man). When asked whether he would go along with a first strike nuclear assault in the event that an enemy was on the brink of attacking us, Leffingwell says no. Instead, he would try to “bargain” for concessions on both sides. Cooley pounces on the statement by fiercely saying he wouldn’t weakly go begging to the enemy. In essence he is echoing the slogan of the time which proclaimed Americans would rather “be dead than red.” Leffingwell points out that it is exactly Cooley’s gung-ho attitude about war that is outdated, suggesting the potential use of nuclear weapons can result in annihilation. Anderson points out Cooley’s “pride” in wanting to defend our way of life, but Leffingwell says that pride is a “dangerous” element when it comes to maintaining survival in modern times. Anderson, who we learn requires clarity as to right and wrong behavior, suggests the possibility that maybe we now live in a world where there is too much “equivocating.” Leffingwell says unfortunately that is the world we live in, suggesting there are no simple answers to complex problems. Fonda again is playing an intellectually complicated character, as he did in The Best Man, and admits to being a supreme “egghead.” However, the film implies that average Americans usually dislike overly intellectual people for being condescending.

 

Following an adjournment, Leffingwell is diplomatic when asked about the use of smear tactics against him. But Van Ackerman, trying to grab the spotlight with the press, is combative as he accuses the committee of encouraging an assault on the nominee. Anderson makes light of the suggestion, but Van Ackerman is not laughing as he is accompanied by his team, which look like thugs. Van Ackerman previously said he wants Leffingwell approved to keep the peace and avoid war. That pacifist line is his public stance, but he is contradictorily quite aggressive in the way he acts.

 When the committee reconvenes, Cooley delivers Herbert Gelman and calls him as a witness. He is a timid, quiet fellow who appears to be doing his civic duty but underneath he also has a secret agenda, which is revenge (like the Shelly Berman character in The Best Man). It turns out the devious Cooley had Gelman send the telegram to Senator Velez without a return address. Cooley made it look as if Gelman couldn’t be found so that Leffingwell would feel safe in denying he knew the man. Gelman testifies that he worked under Leffingwell when the nominee was Chairman of the Federal Power Agency. Gelman says he also was a student of Leffingwell’s at the University of Chicago. He says Leffingwell fired him because he knew Leffingwell is a communist. Back in college, Gelman says he was invited to a political discussion group with people who used phony names. One man advocated the violent overthrow of the government, but Leffingwell said there would be an erosion of the traditional government and that is how Marxism would take over. Cooley makes an implied reference to how this strategy is like Leffingwell saying that they must abandon older forms of dealing with the country’s foes. Gelman says he withdrew from the group when he realized it was a communist “cell.” He said Leffingwell then failed him in his class. He didn’t report the situation at the time because of fear, but now felt it was his duty to come forward. When Anderson asks if Gelman’s testimony can be corroborated, Gelman sounds like a mentally unstable paranoid person as he yells out that he is not lying. Gelman says one of the men who attended these meetings is now dead and he does not know what happened to the other, so there is nobody to confirm what he has alleged. Leffingwell secures an hour recess to prepare a cross examination. After the adjournment Munson tells Cooley he must realize Gelman isn’t telling the truth and calls Cooley an old buzzard. Cooley is witty when he says that old buzzards have great eyesight, can spot their prey from high above, and he is now eyeing “the terrain,” implying he is hunting Leffingwell. He is suggesting that being a politician is a predatory occupation.

 

Back at the hearing, Leffingwell admits that he did know Gelman, but only after hearing his testimony. He has a witness who was Gelman’s immediate supervisor who says that Gelman was not hospitalized for tuberculosis, as the man said, but for a nervous breakdown. The boss says that he wanted to fire Gelman, but Leffingwell secured a job for him at the Treasury Department. He also has evidence from the University of Chicago that Gelman was not a student in any class taught by Leffingwell. He adds that the address Gelman provided where the communist “cell” supposedly met has been a fire station for over fifty years. Leffingwell is attacking Gelman’s accuracy because the man has a psychiatric condition, but Leffingwell is going after peripheral details to throw doubt on the central allegation that Leffingwell was involved in a communist group. 

 

After being questioned by Anderson, Gelman now appears to be a very unreliable witness as he admits to having a nervous breakdown, not TB, and that he didn’t know Leffingwell found him other employment. He says he may be wrong about the class attendance and the group’s address. Anderson says the committee owes Leffingwell an apology, but Cooley does not offer regret, and storms out asking for a transcript of the proceedings. Leffingwell is gracious as he says he is not owed an apology, and will serve his country no matter what. He receives applause from those present. So, he has maneuvered the situation to cover up the truth, as so many of the other characters in the story are doing.

 

Cooley, knowing how politics works, does not take anything as true on the surface and personally goes to secure Gelman’s employment history. Meanwhile, Leffingwell meets with the President and decides to be truthful with him, saying he did know Gelman from those meetings. He was never a member of the Communist Party, but was young and seeking a “cause.” Later he decided that communism wasn’t what he was looking for. He asks that his name be withdrawn from consideration. He is guilty of perjuring himself in front of Congress, but at least he has a conscience, and wants to set the record straight with the President. His contrition only goes so far though, as he says that he isn’t sorry he lied, but that he “had to lie.” His statement reflects the strong anti-communist attitude in the United States at the time, which bordered on extreme paranoia for many. Of course he could have withdrawn his nomination before lying, and the fact that he didn’t suggests he felt he was being pragmatic, not upstanding. He also admits that he secured Gelman the Treasury position to shut him up, and he did so through Hardiman Fletcher (Paul McGarth), who works in that department, and wants to keep things secret since he was one of the men in the meetings in Chicago. The President, a seasoned politician, also is willing to sacrifice honor for practicality, and asks if anyone else knows Leffingwell lied. Obviously the President is trying to contain any knowledge of the facts in order to get his confirmation, one’s own agenda again superseding ethics. 

 

Cooley meets with Fletcher outside the Washington Monument, noting how the first United States president was known to not tell a lie. The use of the symbol of American pride in honesty contrasts with all of the deceptions in the story. Cooley discovered the connection between Leffingwell and Fletcher when he investigated Gelman’s work records. He wondered why Leffingwell sent Gelman directly to the Treasury Department for the personal approval by Fletcher to secure the man's employment. Cooley uses the intimidation of a federal investigation to frighten Fletcher into sending notice to Anderson revealing the truth. Cooley says that in his letter Fletcher will pretend that he is confessing because of his own conscience, not because he was caught by Cooley. Cooley assures Fletcher his name and all of the information will be kept secret to protect Fletcher and the President. This deceptive scheme is to force Leffingwell to withdraw, and Cooley will spare his party’s President from any embarrassment. Duplicity rules here to achieve one’s political goal.

 

Fletcher does contact Anderson, who tells Munson that Fletcher said he wanted to do what was right. Munson's response is one of disbelief and says Fletcher is just protecting himself. Doing the right thing is suspect in this world where everyone acts out of selfish motivation. Anderson delayed the subcommittee vote, and Van Ackerman uses that postponement to gain public attention on the floor of the Senate by attacking Anderson, whose chairmanship he wanted, for subverting the President. The other senators, including Senator Bessie Adams (Betty White in a very early role) see no reason to attack the actions of the subcommittee. They use good humor to defuse tension, but Van Ackerman is a humorless person, and rants at his fellow senators for their levity. Anderson, responding to the loud personal attack from Van Ackerman, says that Van Ackerman may be scaring children in the gallery. What follows is an ominous statement from Van Ackerman when he says, “I’m not too sure the senator from Utah can’t be frightened.” The usually quiet Vice President shows his strength of character and is stern here saying, “there'll be no threats made on the floor of this chamber.” Even Danta is surprised by Hudson’s admonishment. Van Ackerman calls for a full Senate vote on the issue of the confirmation of Leffingwell. While Danta tries to get Van Ackerman to withdraw his proposal since they do not have sufficient votes lined up as yet, Munson addresses the Senate, saying traditional procedures have been in place for a very long time to keep the democracy functioning. He warns against damage to the democratic process if those rules are discarded “in the heat and passion of the passing moment.” The cautionary note here is that no matter how strongly we feel about personalities and issues, the higher purpose of the democracy’s rules must be honored. The pressure on Van Ackerman causes him to relent and he withdraws his proposal. Munson wants Anderson to meet with the President later, but Anderson feels that it might be best that the President withdraw Leffingwell’s nomination. Then Van Ackerman, with his posse present, tells Munson he has the “whip” in his file to keep Anderson in line, which shows the senator wants to make good on his earlier threat of intimidation. 

 

The President subverts Munson’s plan for just having a private meeting with Anderson by publicly noting surprise at the Correspondents' dinner that Anderson is thwarting confirmation of Leffingwell. The President says he is sticking with his nominee, even though he knows privately that Leffingwell lied. Of course Van Ackerman runs up to the dais and cheers the President, kissing up as usual. The President is publicly attacking Anderson, who did not expose Leffingwell’s past openly and tried to be discreet about what Fletcher (manipulated by Cooley) revealed. Anderson is trying to do what he sees is the only proper thing, and he is, and will be, punished for it in this sleazy political setting.

 

The President does meet Anderson with Munson present after the dinner and wants him to not expose what Fletcher said so that Leffingwell can be confirmed. Anderson says it doesn’t matter if Leffingwell only flirted with communism as a younger man and is not one now. He says he should not have lied to Congress. The President makes a good point suggesting that Leffingwell’s life will be ruined because of something in his past that would not affect his present ability to be Secretary of State. Ironically, as we shall see, the President says to Anderson, “Well, maybe there’s nothing in your young life you’d like to conceal, but we’re not all that fortunate.” This statement goes to the central theme of the movie, which depicts how one’s public life can be a false covering hiding regretful past actions. But, the film also makes the point that people should not be condemned for certain harmless activities in their lives that are unacceptable to the rest of society. In this case, Anderson is placed between the rock of his convictions and the hard place of offending his President and humiliating an otherwise decent nominee. Anderson can’t morally concede and says he will have to call Fletcher as a witness to be transparent. The President, too, will not back down, and leaves angrily. Munson tells Anderson that things aren’t always black and white, but that is how Anderson sees this issue. That rigidity will come under attack.

 

There is a scene that starts out as a touching and average picture of Anderson coming home and tucking his young daughter in her bed in a room covered with the child’s drawings. He goes to his bedroom and accidentally wakes up his wife. He says he felt good about his confrontation with the President. Then the shoe drops, as Ellen tells him there was an anonymous phone call from a man who said he should think twice about his stance on the Leffingwell nomination and made a reference to what happened in “Hawaii,” where Anderson was stationed in the Army. She says the man’s voice sounded like he was talking about “some kind of nasty secret.” Again the film stresses the disparity between what is presented on the surface and the complete picture. The President noted there aren’t too many people who do not have something to hide, and as it turns out that includes the man who believes in the “black and white” surety of his convictions. Anderson says she received a crank call, so now he is covering up his past, as did Leffingwell, even with his wife. 

 

More calls follow, and Anderson experiences increased worried tension. In the Senate, he pressures Munson as to when the President will realize he must withdraw Leffingwell for consideration. For Anderson, the quicker a new candidate is submitted, the sooner the threatening calls will cease since Leffingwell would no longer be in the picture. Anderson takes a walk and encounters Cooley sitting on a bench, watching the drama he has initiated play out. He acts compassionate about how Anderson looks weighed down and warns about how the younger senator is dealing with “devious, powerful men.” It just so happens Cooley is one of those individuals sometimes. However, while Cooley works subtly in the background, Van Ackerman is the blunt instrument here. But the President also knows how to work the process, as the disappointed Cooley informs Anderson that the Chief Executive sent Fletcher to Europe on some mission, which prevents Anderson from calling the man as a witness. Cooley says of himself that he may be powerful and devious, but he is on Anderson’s side. But does Anderson want an ally who advocates the belief that the ends justify the means?

 

Deception and intimidation continue as Van Ackerman and his gang look on as Anderson receives a threatening phone call in the Senate cafeteria. The fact that this reprehensible action occurs in the building where integrity should prevail is especially upsetting. The man on the other end of the line says they have a photo and a letter that can damage Anderson if he tries to prevent Leffingwell’s appointment. The man who made the call came from Van Ackerman’s table in the area and he returns to his seat after his call from a phone booth is over. The rattled and paranoid Anderson doesn’t know who to blame for the harassment and demands of the clueless Munson that the President withdraw Leffingwell immediately. Anderson visits Leffingwell and tells him about what Fletcher said and he should withdraw on his own. Leffingwell said he promised he would leave it in the hands of the President. After Anderson leaves, Leffingwell realizes that his boy overheard the contentious conversation. Now that even his son realizes his father has been lying, Leffingwell decides he should tell his son the truth, which is hard to come by in Washington.

 Raymond Shaff (John Granger) had visited Anderson’s office when the senator wasn’t there, and the Senator seems evasive when the secretary advises him of the man’s attempt to contact him. Anderson’s wife is upset because she, too, knows that some hidden truth is starting to burst through to the surface. She says there was another call and the man on the phone said they had “bought Ray.” She tells him that she expects her husband to be honest with her, but even the moral Anderson fails this test. She is smart enough to realize that other people are trying to get at him through her. Just as in Leffingwell’s home, here we have a child, Anderson’s young daughter, Pidge (Janet Jane Carty), representing the innocence of youth contrasting with the deceit of the adults. Anderson is now ironically mirroring what is happening to Leffingwell, as each man is haunted by something he tried to cover up in his past. Anderson’s black and white view that Leffingwell should be honest and confess what he was concealing is now torturing Anderson because of his own concealment. Ellen thinks he must be having an affair with another woman but he assures her that the problem is something that happened long ago. Yet, he still doesn’t tell his wife the truth. She suggests that he give in about the confirmation, but he says that would mean sacrificing the principles he lives by. His inner conflict is cracking him apart. 

 

While Anderson is at an airport, Ellen confesses what has been happening to her husband to Senator Smith. She is seeking help, but she, too, is now hiding something, not telling her husband about contacting Smith. He voices the theme of deception in the film when he says maybe Anderson will not have to find out she reached out to him. The web of secrecy keeps spreading. She describes her husband as being “desperate,” a term which historically means a person is losing the ability to hold onto one’s faith, and resorting to suicide. Smith tries to offer a pleasant lie, which is that her husband may be trying to protect someone else. That may seem acceptable, but it is still untrue. Despite his encouraging words, Smith knows there is a serious problem with Anderson and he tells Rumson that a blackmailer is going after Anderson.

 

Anderson goes to the address that Ray Shaff left, but encounters a man named Manuel (Larry Tucker) who says Ray doesn’t live there. Unfortunately, Manuel presents stereotypical gay mannerisms. If we haven’t already guessed, Anderson’s past contains a homosexual incident, which, at the time, was felt to be reprehensible. Manuel says he is a “mail and answering service for friends of Ray,” which is “confidential.” Truth in this film is closeted in many ways. Anderson realizes he must pay Manuel, who suggests he offers his apartment as a meeting place for sex. Manuel does say that Ray is at a “Club 602.” The club is a gay bar, and Anderson runs off as soon as he enters, supposedly feeling disgusted by his past. Ray sees him, runs after him, and says that he needed money, so that is why he contacted Anderson. Since Anderson ignored him, Ray betrayed Anderson and made a deal with Van Ackerman. As he drives off in a cab, Anderson pushes Ray away from the car door onto the ground as he symbolically tries to distance himself from his past. One could say that the film is a low point in dealing with homosexuality, but there may be an argument that the story shows that the denial of allowing same sex relationships is what pushes people to act desperately.

 

Anderson meets the Vice President on the plane from New York to Washington. Hudson asks about the nomination, and Anderson is immediately on guard, not knowing who is behind applying the pressure. Hudson, who gave a speech at the PTA which illustrates his minor role in the administration, says the President and the senators keep him out of the loop. But he realizes that Anderson seems to be carrying the load of the confirmation alone. Hudson says being Vice President is like living in a mansion without furniture, which points again to how politics stresses surface appearances. He is genuine however when he offers Anderson his help. Hudson is insightful and caring, and Anderson says that, “I’ve suddenly gotten the feeling you’re the most underestimated man in Washington.” It is an interesting observation. In contrast to many others, Hudson's positive appearance on the outside is representative of what he is on the inside. What is hidden, however, is a man of praiseworthy character underneath that public relations exterior assigned to him. Anderson is about to open up to the Vice President, but can’t bring himself to share his pain.

 

Anderson goes to hide in his Senate office, but he can’t evade his own torment. He learns when entering that Smith is looking for him and he knows that his wife is calling him on the phone. The blackmailer left an envelope that Ellen finds which contains an old letter from her husband when he was in Hawaii telling Ray that what they had was due to the stress of war, and that he has a life now and doesn’t want to hear from Ray again. Writing on the envelope says there are five hundred photos showing the two men together. The indiscriminate poison injected into the political process has tragic ramifications as Smith, at a card game at Dolly’s house, gets a phone call saying that Anderson cut his own throat and is dead. The man could no longer live in a world that would judge him as unequivocally as he judged others. As Rumson informs others of the sad news, the camera lingers on Cooley, who is also inadvertently culpable because he did not take into account that his plotting would make Anderson a target for others.

 

Munson, Smith, and Hudson visit Ellen to comfort her concerning her loss but also to find out what caused her husband to commit suicide. Anderson’s wife joins the keeping of secrets club by denying she has any knowledge surrounding her husband’s death. Given the times she is most likely acting out of shame and also attempting to protect her husband’s reputation. The President is on a military vessel, symbolizing his position as Commander in Chief, but he is also in his bathrobe, reflecting how he is at the end of his mission, ready to retire from his service to his country. Munson tells the President that he believes Van Ackerman is behind what happened based on how he led an onslaught of attacks against Anderson. Munson urges the President to withdraw Leffingwell’s name since there will be allegations that he was involved in what happened to Anderson. In a way the President is, since he was defiant in not withdrawing Leffingwell, despite knowing that the man lied to Congress. and thus placing Anderson in a terrible position. The President wastes no time to mourn for Anderson, and, in fact, sees a clear road now to get his pick approved without Anderson blocking it. The noble and empathetic Hudson says, “I wonder if Leffingwell or any one man is worth all of this,” which means he objects to the fallout from political willfulness. But the President is dismissive of Hudson. Alone with Munson, the President says he doesn't have much time left and he needs Leffingwell to carry on what he has built in the area of foreign policy, which he feels will fall apart otherwise. Munson disagrees that Hudson can’t do the job, but the President says he doesn’t “have time to run a school for presidents.” But he does have doubts about the job he has done. Munson earlier said he has known the President for a long time and the man led the country through several crises. Munson sees that his friend needs reassurance at this dark time and says to him he was one of the great presidents.  

 

Cooley is waiting for Munson at the latter’s hotel. Just like the President, Cooley is not pausing his political maneuvering to respect Anderson’s passing. He admits to Munson that he knows about Fletcher and is ready to expose everything. The politically savvy Munson can see the puppeteer’s strings and knows that Cooley was using Anderson as his proxy to make a deal that would cause Leffingwell to be withdrawn without the President or his party being embarrassed by the nomination of someone who had a flirtation with communism. Now, since the President thwarted his earlier attempts of removing Leffingwell, Cooley threatens to blow the scandal wide open. But he is willing to make a deal. He asks Munson to, “Turn your votes loose, and I’ll keep my mouth shut.” He is willing to be silent, even if Leffingwell is confirmed, as long as each senator can vote his own mind without capitulating to the party’s orders, something not seen in Congress lately. Munson in the moment, probably because he is angry about Cooley’s tactics, refuses.

 

The subcommittee, with nothing holding it back, recommends that the whole Senate confirm Leffingwell’s nomination. In a surprising move, Cooley addresses the Senate and confesses to acting out of vindictiveness concerning Leffingwell and apologizes for it. He still will vote against him on the merits. He feels Leffingwell’s “voice” is an “alien” one to him, which does not meet his standards regarding the country’s “pride” and “dignity.” But, he does not ask any senator to feel obligated to follow his lead. Munson says he feels Leffingwell sounds a practical voice, not an “alien “one, and he trusts the President for choosing the man. But Cooley’s honorable action plays forward. Munson defies his political allegiance to his party and president, and he releases those who pledged to vote in favor of the nominee. The film seems to be saying that decency can give birth to more good deeds. The death of Anderson also is acting as a cautionary warning about not respecting the limits of ethical behavior. 

 

Munson calls for the vote to take place, stopping the angry Van Ackerman from opening up a debate. Munson also lets Van Ackerman know that they know he was the one who tried to blackmail Anderson, and Munson will expose him if he tries to hinder the nominating process further. He tells Van Ackerman that he has brought dishonor to the congressional body, which will not be tolerated. Van Ackerman tries to justify his actions in the name of patriotism, but his ends-justify-the means mentality is a threat to democracy, which is echoed by Munson, who says, “Fortunately, our country always manages to survive patriots like you.” Van Ackerman is filmed as a lonely man walking slowly through the chamber, distanced by the others, and he leaves in a virtual banishment.

 

The President appears increasingly ill as he listens to the vote in the White House, and collapses and dies. The vote will be a tie since Smith surprisingly votes “no.” The Vice President will be the tie-breaking vote. But Hudson is informed of the death of the President. Secret Service men enter the Senate to protect Hudson who is no longer the President of the Senate, but has ascended to the high office of the Presidency of the United States. He can no longer break the tie and the nomination is disapproved. There is a solemn but smooth and dignified transition of power as President Hudson tells Munson that he will appoint his own Secretary of State. Cooley is now the President Pro Tem of the Senate and the legislative body adjourns out of respect for the loss of the country’s leader. 

 

The story ends on a sad but high note as the nation’s “better angels,” as Abraham Lincoln coined them, prevail.

The next film is The Last Hurrah.

The Best Man

 

SPOILER ALERT! The plot will be discussed.

 

Since we are on the doorstep of the election for President of the United States, I thought Gore Vidal’s 1964 screen adaptation of his cynical play The Best Man might be a fitting film pick. Although there are outdated aspects in reference to homosexuality and the role of women in politics, the movie stands up in showing the darker side of the American presidential electoral process. It focuses on the divisiveness between conservatives and liberals that was present even back then, although in this story the conflict is within the same political party, and the movie shows the shortcomings of both candidates running for the nomination.

 

The drama is heightened in this tale because the candidates are going to an open national convention, with no one individual, there being five, having enough delegates to win the nomination. So, scheming ensues to win the party’s nod to run for President. The one with the most pledged delegates is liberal candidate and United States Secretary of State William Russell (Henry Fonda) (can he “rustle” up enough votes, and as he says later about his lack of drive, he didn’t live up to the slogan “Hustle with Russell”). His conservative opponent is Joe Cantwell (Cliff Robertson). (His first name makes him sound like a guy who might come from the neighborhood. His last name could imply that he can’t do anything well). These two men embody attractive and negative elements. Russell is intelligent, rational, courteous, but can appear removed from the problems of the average person. And he has been unfaithful to his wife. Cantwell appears to have a stable marriage and relates to the working class, but is arrogant, ill-mannered, and unscrupulous.

 

The film begins with shots from inside the convention center. The use of real footage intercut with the nominating of Russell, with signs, hats, and chants supporting the man, adds a sense of reality to the story. It also shows the circus spectacle of American political conventions, with the stress on bombast and over-the-top demonstrations for preferred candidates by the delegates. Back at Russell’s headquarters, they laugh about how the supposedly unrehearsed outburst in favor of their candidate was “well planned” according to campaign manager, Dick Jensen (Kevin McCarthy). When asked how long the hoopla will last, Russell jokes that there will be “twenty-two minutes of spontaneity.” The suggestion here is that politics presents a deceptive appearance of what is actually happening. 

 

Russell provides the press with the standard liberal endorsement of racial integration which helps ensure that the rights of citizens are guaranteed for all. One reporter asks if the general population can trust intellectuals like him. He kids about labeling him a brainy person because he wrote a book. He said Bertrand Russell, British all around smart fellow, said that people believe they have less to fear from an ignorant person, But the candidate says that it’s really the opposite, that there is more danger from an unintelligent one. The suggestion he is making is that an individual who thinks he knows it all but knows very little can make disastrous decisions if he gets into a position of power. One of the journalists asks him to repeat who he is quoting, which shows that Russell is out of touch with the average citizen, but he also makes his point by showing that too many people are uninformed. (Also, it is interesting that Russell is quoting another highly accomplished Russell, and the suggestion may be that the candidate has an inflated opinion of himself). He goes on to say that he isn’t there to sell an image, but just to present himself, even with imperfections. He quotes Oliver Cromwell about being painted as he is, “wart and all.” (But he then needs to supply a footnote about who he is citing). However, he is not being totally transparent, as we discover.

 

At the hotel pool, beautiful young women fawn over Russell like political groupies, and the silliness of the campaign process is on show as one woman has placed cutout “W” and “R” letters on her back so that Russell’s initials will appear on the untanned skin. Loud and gregarious Sue Ellen Gamadge (Ann Sothern) approaches them noisily as she walks through the crowd. Russell calls her, contradictorily, the only “link” between the Ku Klux Klan and the NAACP, which illustrates how political people try to please everybody. She has influence over the female vote, so she must be courted. She tells Russell that the women do not like him trying to be witty all the time. She advises that females like a “regular” fellow like President Dwight Eisenhower, who has a “nice smile” and is not “pushy or aggressive.” She says a woman can imagine Eisenhower helping with the dishes or listening to his wife’s views on “important matters.” Sue Ellen does here show that a woman’s ideas should count. However, she then undermines the intelligence of women by advising him not to talk “over” the heads of females. She is also suggesting Russell package himself as a product geared to the tastes of others, which is just the opposite of what he told the reporters he wants to do. Appealing appearances must be kept up, even if it is a façade, so Sue Ellen wants to know if Russell’s wife Alice (Margaret Leighton) is there ready to campaign for her husband, being the woman standing behind the man in these times. Sue Ellen again stresses the female behind the scenes should look as if she is weighing in on important matters, but the suggestion is still that the photo op is what’s necessary. She then asks Russell a direct question as to whether there is any truth to the rumor of marital discord. Russell, like a typical politician, dodges the inquiry by ignoring the second question and says his wife will definitely join him on the campaign trail. Sue Ellen also slips in high praise for Cantwell’s wife, Mabel (Edie Adams), which implies that Sue Ellen could change allegiance if the political winds shift away from Russell. Jensen jokingly points out the false front they are to present when he sarcastically comments that Russell and his wife are like George and Martha Washington.

 Alice has arrived and the encounter between her and her husband shows the stress in the marriage. There is no “sentimentality” here as Russell notes, since she showed up, not because she loves him, but because the polls indicated he might be the next President of the United States. She says that she wants no “nonsense,” which means no false show of true affection between them in private when they are not falsely presenting a united front to the public. She feels that she has been pushed aside in their union and now has shown up because for the “first time” he “needs” her since he would lose if there was a divorce. She, too, confesses to ambition, and would only see him occasionally as First Lady, with the “ambiguous” random encounter in the “Lincoln bedroom.” The use of “ambiguous” is telling, showing how it wouldn’t be a definite display of affection. His smiling sarcastic comment is, “I didn’t know you cared,” which she seriously wonders if she does anymore. Her condition is that there will be no philandering while she is on board, which reveals he has a history of being unfaithful, the secret he is hiding under his honest exterior. So, she wants him to at least be genuinely monogamous while she is around. He is curious about what happens if he loses, and she says grimly that they go their separate ways, which she says is what he wants anyway. We have here a marriage of convenience, at least at this point, and they have conducted a negotiation and reached a “truce” like two warring countries. Even marriage here seems political.

 

Jensen arrives and says they can’t locate former President Art Hockstader (Lee Tracy), whose endorsement the candidates seek to win favor with the delegates. Russell always looks in a mirror. Is it vanity? Or, is he wrestling with the image he is presenting versus his true self? He smiles and then cringes, saying the human face is “indecent” when it smiles, showing “predatory” teeth reflecting “our animal descent.” He seems to be saying that we still have aggressive characteristics which undercut the surface attempt at demonstrating evolved friendliness. Phoniness is again stressed when Jensen hands Russell his speech, saying it’s one of the candidate’s “best.” To which Russell says he’ll pass on reading it before he delivers it since he enjoys surprising himself. 

 

Hockstader sneaks into their adjoining suite to avoid a public commotion, but his real desire is to privately assess the men running for President. Alice says he looks well after his recent operation, which he says was only for a hernia (which turns out to be another public falsehood). The former Chief Executive confirms Russell’s statement about how important his endorsement is. He is an old-time politician, who good-naturedly admits that the only thing left that he enjoys is watching the candidates squirm. He says his time is past and the future of politics has been taken over by “rich” men (which has turned out to be true). He comments that the people figure that the wealthy will not steal the taxpayers’ money since they have so much of their own. Russell’s comment is he didn’t know Hockstader was a “Marxist,” but the man knows his political correctness and says with a smile, “Never heard of the word.” Russell notes, though, that Cantwell is playing the “poor but honest” role. Hockstader, enjoying the squirming, comments that Cantwell isn’t as rich or “smart” as Russell. The former President, with some envy mixed with criticism, says Russell is a “superior” man not often found in politics, which doesn’t say much for those running the government. He then likens himself to “mediocre” men such as Cantwell. (Hockstader sounds like a good old boy, his vocabulary filled with unpretentious words like “privy” and “innards”). Russell says Hockstader is not like Cantwell, who he sees as willing to allow any means to reach his ends. Hockstader echoes the sentiment that many still hold today that overly intellectual types spend so much time ruminating and qualifying that they become indecisive in a crisis. Russell counters by saying Cantwell would let the Gallup Poll dictate his decisions. Russell is addressing why we have a representative form of government which allows the people to elect someone to act with knowledge. But the system does not function by having someone in office consulting what the people want on a regular basis in order to be popular.

 

Hockstader changes the subject and asks if Russell believes in God. Russell’s first response is a politically influenced evasion saying he was confirmed in the Episcopal Church. But Hockstader presses Russell about his beliefs in a deity and an afterlife. Russell says he only believes in “us,” in what happens on earth. He also says he has been honest in his campaign and hasn’t mentioned God (maybe he is truthful about this topic, but he is accommodating to those he doesn’t like and is untruthful about his marriage). Hockstader says things have changed, since one used to have to “pour God over everything, like ketchup,” (a rather irreverent analogy). He agrees with Russell that there is no hereafter. We then realize why the former President is asking about spiritual matters, because the hernia story was just another political “lie.” He is actually dying of cancer and may only have a short time left. Russell is shocked and expresses sincere sorrow about this news. It’s possible Hockstader is keeping his illness secret because it allows him to still hold influence if it appears he will be around for a while. He is a politician to the end, asking if Russell wrote any letters to the women he was involved with, and the smart Russell says he didn’t. So, there can only be refutable rumors without evidence based on “He said, she said.” This situation resonates with the current #MeToo movement. Hockstader says that he will announce who he will support at a dinner that evening.

 

After Hockstader leaves, a grim Russell tells Jensen and Alice that the ex-President didn’t say he would support Russell, which means he will throw his political weight behind Cantwell. Sue Ellen barges in and at first gives a harsh look, but is only assessing Alice. She then smiles saying how she “loves it,” that is Alice’s appearance, which, of course, is what counts. She then gives Alice advice, as she often does, about what women “like.” She says not to be too proactive, like Eleanor Roosevelt, but not passive like Mamie Eisenhower. She seems to be channeling Goldie Locks, where everything must be just right, and that can only happen in a fairy tale.

 

As he moves through the hotel’s corridor, the press and a conspiracy theorist (yes, they have always been around) follow Russell. The man asks if Russell as President will impeach the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and if he knows that there are five justices who are card-carrying members of the Communist Party. Russell dodges any confrontation, which is understandable, since one usually will not win an argument with such an individual. But he is also a bit cowardly not to at least challenge the man so as to thwart acceptance of such ideas without proof. 

 

As Russell enters his campaign office, Jensen is on the phone demanding a man named Sheldon Bascomb be brought to Russell headquarters. Political dirt is trying to be dug up. Russell and his staff watch Cantwell talking on television (the importance of a candidate’s appearance on public media skyrocketed during the 1960 campaign, and has escalated exponentially since, rewarding those that strongly perform visually). Cantwell is young, handsome, and forceful in his opinions. He gives reluctant praise for Russell, but then exploits anti-intellectualism by stressing the populist slogan of needing “a man of the people,” like his “hero” (a lie), Art Hockstader. Russell points out Cantwell’s obvious attempt to win over the former President when he says he “wouldn’t buy a used car from that man.” But his line also shows his elitist condescension toward Cantwell.

 

Cantwell, glaring straight ahead so he looks as if he is speaking directly to the people watching him on TV, grabs various microphones as he talks loudly and without hesitation, making him appear assured of everything he says. He starts off with the disclaimer that he is opposed to discrimination, but his stress is on the protection of “states’ rights” which basically shows the central government as a monster, imposing its will on the citizens. But, the film implies, this stance allows local governments to implement the discrimination he supposedly dislikes. A reporter notes the support for him by Southern delegates, but he deflects that possibly negative implication of racial prejudice by pivoting to a fear of communism in the country as a whole. He says that “the coloreds” (a phrase allowed at the time) were used as dupes by the communists. He is being disrespectful toward African Americans, who he is saying aren’t smart enough to see through being manipulated. Of course, the planting of fear and blame is what the movie is saying Cantwell does to practice his own brand of swaying others. He holds up his book entitled The Enemy Around Us, so the film is portraying him as a sort of Joe McCarthy type. He goes down the list of traditional conservative beliefs, including cutting government spending to the point of being able to eliminate the Federal Income Tax, getting “tough” with foreign governments, and increasing defense spending (a bit of a contradiction on budgetary matters). He says “liberals” are selling out the country by being weak against foreign enemies. He avoids that spending ambiguity by saying how great a poor person like him can run for such a great position. He then states the title of the film by saying, “May the best man win,” which as it turns out is far from certain when we reach the ending. However, that same extremist who spoke to Russell now accosts Cantwell after his press conference. The candidate, just like Russell, is taken aback by some fringe views, such as eliminating Social Security and the fluoridating of the water system (which was considered a communist plot by some - see Dr. Strangelove for the definitive satire on this subject). The scene is suggesting how politicians can legitimize, through their rhetoric, extremist ideas. 

 Don Cantwell (Gene Raymond), the candidate’s older brother, is his campaign manager, and we learn that he ran, but lost, in his run for the presidency. Mabel, in the Cantwell hotel suite, watches the TV as the news shows Cantwell’s rise from poverty by winning local elections and then getting elected to the U. S. Senate. He rose to national attention by investigating the Mafia as an arm of the Communist Party (that one is tough to believe, given the ruthless capitalist ethic of organized crime, depicted so well in The Godfather films). There is obvious passionate affection between Cantwell and his wife, in contrast to the colder, removed feelings in the Russell household. Also, when Mabel asks if he was ever unfaithful, her husband is believable when he says he never was, another contrast to Russell. Cantwell’s mother is interviewed on TV, and Mabel says, “Good old Mom.” But Cantwell’s hard look and dismissive, “Yeah,” shows that his positive heartland American façade is a veneer that covers Cantwell’s animosity toward his female parent. The couple anticipates the mud they are ready to sling at Russell later. 

 Cantwell meets with Hockstader and he brings along the information he believes will discredit Russell. But Cantwell has misjudged the situation, not realizing the former President is already willing to back him. Cantwell can’t play it cool and defer to the older politician, who needles Cantwell a bit by acting a bit suspicious of a squeaky-clean persona who doesn’t drink or have affairs. Cantwell fidgets impatiently while listening to Hockstader’s ramblings, especially when he isn’t praiseworthy of Cantwell’s “the ends justify the means” practice, which the self-righteous Cantwell admits to espousing. Hockstader argues that there are only “means,” implying the way one goes about doing things is what’s most important and what people connect with. The young senator admits some people do not like his aggressive style. Hockstader is tough when he says it’s standard practice to grab headlines, and put on a fake show for the public, but it disturbs him that Cantwell takes his phony stuff “too seriously.” He says it’s “downright dangerous when you start fooling yourself.” So Hockstader is stressing the importance of knowing what’s a lie and what is a fact. Cantwell is nasty as he tells Hockstader that he doesn’t need any “lectures” from a man whose record is “the heaviest load this party has to carry.” The ex-president practically snarls at him as Don, who tries to be the diplomat, says his brother has been under a great deal of stress. 

 

Cantwell apologizes without showing any true remorse and then disrespectfully dismisses Don, because he wants to handle the rest of the meeting his way. All pretense to politeness is jettisoned as Cantwell says he knows that Hockstader doesn’t like him, and the former President admits he “never” has. But what Cantwell has failed to understand is that politics forges strange alliances when the power to get what is wanted is on the line. Hockstader tells him that he has endorsed men he didn’t like because he thought they could “do the job.” But Cantwell isn’t listening and instead wants to win Hockstader’s support by his dubious means to get the ends he wants. As he talks he doesn’t notice that Hockstader is fumbling for his pills to stunt the pain from his cancer (is his illness symbolic of the corruption that spreads in American politics?). He asks Cantwell the same questions about religious beliefs he posed to Russell. As in everything else, Cantwell is definite about his feelings about God, a Day of Judgment, and life after death because, he says, any other way of thinking would make life intolerable for him. The film implies that questioning traditional beliefs will make life too precarious for some. Hockstader muses that having the security of religious tenets would make it easier to face death. But, as opposed to the compassionate response that Russell showed, Cantwell is so focused on his presidential goal that he isn’t even listening to Hockstader’s admission that he is dying. The evidence he has brought shows that Russell had a “nervous breakdown” in his past and was “raving mad,” as opposed to the cover story that he was suffering from exhaustion. Hockstader objects to what he considers the grossly exaggerated accusation that Russell was out of his mind. The medical records do show that Russell was not transparent as to the extent of his psychiatric treatment and his “promiscuity.” Hockstader questions the ethics of how Cantwell acquired private medical records, and insists that Russell is not currently medically hampered to be President. But there is a legitimate point to be made that Russell should have come clean about his mental history. Hockstader promises to get Cantwell’s “political scalp” for how he operates. He also surprises the disbelieving Cantwell that he was going to endorse the Senator. Cantwell’s lack of insight is emphasized by Hockstader who says that it isn’t that Cantwell being a “bastard” is what upsets him, but that he objects to him being a “stupid” one. Hockstader allows for nastiness in politics, as long as it is crafty, which doesn’t paint a career in the field as very noble.

 At the candidates’ dinner, Hockstader presents the image of what people expect from a politician. He balances humor with seriousness, and is upbeat about all the candidates. So, he is presenting a false front since he has already picked who he will support and who he will fight against. He also hides his illness since a leader can’t show vulnerability. But he does not endorse any of the candidates, and that is a relief to both frontrunners since they thought the former President would support each man’s opponent. But Hockstader plans to work with Russell against Cantwell in the shadows, probably to make it look as if the passive Russell is strong enough to win the nomination on his own. In private, he admits that he still finds Russell indecisive, and Russell laments that he will be chosen by “default.” He argues that he doesn’t “shoot from the hip,” as he contemplates how he will act. But Hockstader says “sometimes you don’t shoot at all.” The movie again is saying that the populace expects quick, unwavering decisions, as they view that as a strength, as opposed to deliberate thinking that takes time to consider all the possibilities.  

 

Hockstader has tipped off Russell about Cantwell’s smear campaign, and Russell has called a psychiatrist to certify that he is mentally sound. Hockstader also found out that Cantwell bribed a nurse to get Russell’s medical records, so Russell thinks he can use that illegal act as leverage to thwart Cantwell’s disclosure. However, bits of information leak out anyway. Hockstader seems invigorated as he enjoys a hard-hitting, dirty political fight, whereas Russell seems too refined and most likely finds the battle distasteful. They talk about offering the vice presidency to win the votes for other candidates, although Russell will not consider the man from the South, Governor T. T. Claypoole (John Henry Faulk). His character may be loosely based on Alabama Governor George Wallace, although this man comes off clownish, not like the angry Wallace. He also pretends to be progressive about race, as one of his associates brags. The supporter's words are satirically undercut by the image of the only black person at his party serving drinks to the white people. When asked how many schools are integrated in his state, his darkly humorous response is, “none, thank God,” but they are making great “progress.” Again, a lie is being sold in lieu of the facts. 

 What follows are several short scenes of political jockeying for votes, where the major candidates make offers to win over delegates. There are literally backroom deals as Hockstader corners candidate Governor John Merwin (William R. Ebersol) in a closet. Rumors fly as those present share doubts about Russell’s health. The story shows how extreme the dealing can get when Russell’s team offers the vice presidency to Claypoole, Merwin, and Senator Oscar Anderson (Richard Arlen). Mabel talks with Sue Ellen, who finds Cantwell’s smear ploy unacceptable. Mabel says it’s a public service move. Their differing takes show how politics can spin a story to each person’s advantage. 

 At Cantwell’s campaign office, they are finding it difficult to lock in support from the minor candidates. Cantwell wants to release Russell’s complete medical file, but his brother Don advises against it until the second ballot. Cantwell shows what Hockstader accused the man of when he calls his brother a “loser” for not being willing to do anything to win, no matter how unsavory the act may be. Cantwell reluctantly agrees to delay, and apologizes for being too harsh with his brother, which shows that Cantwell has some insight into his extreme combativeness. Don admits that his brother is right, that he knows he doesn’t have the killer instinct. In that way, Don is like Russell. The film’s cynical message seems to be that being a successful and decent politician is not possible. 

 

There is an odd but funny scene where Russell is taking a bath with lots of soap bubbles as he talks the fawning Claypoole into supporting him on the second ballot. It not only implies that Russell doesn’t have the time or desire to allocate a respectable amount of attention for the segregationist, but he almost needs to sanitize himself against contact with the offending Governor. That idea is stressed when Russell will not shake hands with the man without first grabbing a handful of soap. 

Comedian Shelly Berman turns actor for the role of Sheldon Bascomb, a twitchy neurotic man who goes off on tangents which is a defense mechanism to hide feeling intimidated. He carries a briefcase that contains evidence about when he was in the Army with Cantwell. Russell realizes Jensen has been searching for something to dirty Cantwell’s immaculate reputation, and doesn’t like it. Hockstader, however, pounces on the man like a vulture ready to prey on any skeletons in the closet. He asks about the possibility of Cantwell being a coward or a communist. Bascomb haltingly says that they were in a situation where there were many men around but no women. Hockstader chases the man out of “beating around the bush” by asking if Bascomb is implying that Cantwell was a “degenerate,” which is what the former president implies is a homosexual (it was a different time, and Vidal himself was bisexual leaning toward being gay, so he was just reflecting the mainstream’s ugliness). When asked point blank, Bascomb finally is direct and harsh when he confirms that is exactly what he is saying about Cantwell. Russell is disgusted by using anything sordid, but Hockstader persuades him to listen to Bascomb.

 

Cantwell, however, has no trepidations about using the stolen psychiatric information against Russell. He makes a deal with the flip-flopping Claypoole to put him on the ticket as Vice-President. The man from the South wants guarantees that there will not be any push for integration, and Cantwell makes his pact with the devil by assuring Claypoole that he will not put desegregation on his agenda. Claypoole is funny, but disturbing, by showing the hypocrisy and divisiveness of American politics when he says, “Nice thing about you Joe is that you can sound like a liberal but at heart you’re an American.” Apparently to people like Claypoole, someone must agree with you in order to be patriotic. 

 

Jensen calls Cantwell to hold up releasing the medical records, and when Cantwell will not postpone, Jensen brings up Bascomb’s name. A look of deep concern spreads over Cantwell’s face and he calls to delay exposing Russell’s past. Mabel knows about the allegations, which shows how he and his wife have an honest relationship. Cantwell wants to see Russell, who is upset about Jensen setting up the meeting. He says he wanted to not have the campaign be about “personalities” instead of “policies.” But, his idealistic desires are not in sync with reality. Hockstader has Jensen make sure the meeting is secret, another example of the lack of political honesty. He tells Russell if he wants to play power politics he has to get dirty.  Or else, he should get out and “be a saint on your own time,” because if he can’t fight, “this job is not for you.” Even though Hockstader earlier said he didn’t like Cantwell’s tactics dictated by the ends justifying the means, he seems to be on board with that strategy now. Russell says that “one by one” corruptions “destroy character.” (Think of how Robert Redford’s character in The Candidate is so compromised that after he wins his moral compass spins out of control and has to ask, “What do we do now?”). Russell wants to know where this domino effect on toppling morality ends. The cynical Hockstader says once on this unethical road the trip can only end “in the grave.” Which is where the former president is headed, as he tells Alice, after Jensen and Russell leave, she must call his doctor because he can’t move.

 Cantwell is trying to reach a general in the military to back him up. Cantwell and Russell meet in the laundry room of the hotel, where they can hide their “dirty linen.” The two verbally trade blows. Cantwell says he is the one to unite behind because he is a man who the people relate to since he lived the American Dream of rising from poverty to a place of power. But Russell says he is “a self-made man with a self-made issue,” which is his fictitious crusade linking the Mafia and communism. The movie suggests that politicians can make up problems that they say they can solve. Russell says he will not throw his “mud” if Cantwell refrains from throwing his. But Cantwell says he will not back down. Russell repeats Cantwell’s earlier sincere line, “may the best man win,” although Russell is being sarcastic since he doesn’t see either of them at this point fitting that description. 

 

Russell hands Cantwell the court-martial testimony that Bascomb provided and Cantwell wants to question Bascomb, who is in the basement. We are descending physically and ethically here. The cowardly Bascomb did not expect to confront Cantwell, and looks like a rat trying to find his way out of the maze. Cantwell says that Bascomb is trying to get revenge for Cantwell stopping his transfer and promotion because of an unsatisfactory performance. Cantwell was the only one of several men expelled out of the service for homosexual acts (again, that was the prejudicial policy back then). Cantwell said he turned in his roommate who then accused him of homosexual acts to get back at Cantwell. Cantwell gives Russell the phone number of the general he says he just was in touch with who is waiting for Russell’s call (a lie). Russell says he must stop Cantwell and will use the allegations in the court martial proceedings. But, Cantwell finds out that Russell is bluffing because he left the piece of paper with the general’s number on the floor. Hockstader was right. Russell doesn’t have that predatory instinct to rip apart the enemy in order to win.

 

Cantwell issues copies of the psychiatric report and Jensen tries to hold delegates in line who want to bolt. He tells them that they are suing Cantwell for theft of the documents, but that doesn’t negate the contents of the evidence. The person who heads up the Pennsylvania delegation knows about the court martial and tells Jensen the same thing that Hockstader said, that Russell takes too long to decide what to do and lacks “aggressive” leadership. It’s as if the defining quality of the person in charge must have an element of violence associated with him. 

 

Cantwell has files on delegates that show their pasts contain arrests, scandals, and favors they need. He talks about “twisting” arms, another analogy to aggression. He heads to the convention, which is not allowed, to personally apply pressure and wheel and deal. Again, even if it violates rules, Cantwell will do whatever he thinks will give him the win. While he is thinking only of himself Russell goes to the hospital to see the dying Hockstader, which shows how Russell cares about others. But when an aide tells the former President that Cantwell now leads in the delegate count, he is disappointed with Russell, and says, “the hell with both of you.” His words sum up his feelings that Cantwell is too ruthless and lacks insight and Russell is too passive.

 As Cantwell arrives, he learns that Russell is coming to the convention, too, which surprises Cantwell, because he didn’t think Russell would violate the restriction as he is doing. He was counting on him playing by the rules, which for Cantwell is a weakness. They meet and Cantwell offers Russell the vice presidency since it seems that is the only way for Cantwell to reach the total votes he needs. Russell is funny as he says how can he accept since he may be experiencing one of his frequent nervous breakdowns. In other words, how can Cantwell disqualify Russell for being President because of his mental condition, yet put him next in line for the office. Here we have more hypocrisy. Cantwell informs Russell that Hockstader died. Russell is upset and wants Cantwell and Don to leave. But the cold Cantwell says, “We can hold the wake later.” Cantwell offers Russell anything he wants if he’ll release his delegates to him. Jensen says Cantwell is afraid he can’t win, and he urges Russell to release the court martial information. 

 

Don says Russell can’t release the dirt on Cantwell, as he now argues for decency when none was considered on his brother’s part. Cantwell says that Russell always does the right thing, which he sees as Russell’s liability, and he thinks that Russell will want to unify the party around him. But Russell has other plans for doing what is right. He sees that neither of them should win, and he tells the head of the Wisconsin group to vote for Governor Merwin. The convention sees this tactic as a way out, and there is a bandwagon effect for Merwin. Cantwell is astounded that Russell would sacrifice his own candidacy and sabotage his. Cantwell says that he doesn’t understand Russell who says that’s because Cantwell has “no sense of responsibility toward anybody or anything. And that is a tragedy in a man, and is a disaster in a president.” Cantwell counters by saying, “You don’t understand me. You don’t understand politics. You don’t understand this country.” Sadly, the film is saying both men are right.

As Russell leaves with Alice, he sees Merwin going up an escalator, his political star rising, while Russell grounded his own chances of going on that trajectory. But he did it for the good of the nation, and his wife sticks with him at the end, since despite his personal flaws, she knows he is a true patriot, because that is someone who commits self-sacrifice for one’s country. 

The next film is Advise and Consent.